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competitive self-management
the new way to control your knowledge workers
Two
facts of the new world:
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Work is highly insecure, there is zero stability and you may lose your job at any time, jobs are scarce, competition is high, unemployment is artificially high to increase competition for scarce jobs.
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Workers aka employees are chattel but the pretense of their adulthood and freedom must be maintained -- they are serfs but never spoken as such in polite company. Flex time, flexplace, job sharing, and part-time work are all well and good, as long as no one actually uses them.
Many quotes are from the following PDF: Engineering Consent: Overwork and Anxiety at a High-Tech Firm, a paper by Ofer Sharone, a Ph.D. candidate in the Sociology Department at the University of California, Berkeley, May 2002. In it, he analyzes a software company which he aliases as MegaTech.
The term competitive self-management refers to a relatively new strategy of control for 'employers who must cede greater discretion to their employees'. Since the middle-class is not acknowledged as the serfs that they in reality are, there is a pretense of flexibility in the absorbing game of work.
Developing and reconstructing Michael Burawoy's theory regarding the
intensification of work effort through the organization of work into
an absorbing game, I argue that MegaTech engineers' long work hours
are primarily the result of their participation in a high-stakes
competition generated by the rules of competitive self-management that
keeps them perpetually insecure about their relative
performance. While the work game described by Burawoy was embedded in
the relatively stable postwar manufacturing economy, competitive
self-management creates a work game that is emblematic of the "new
economy" and reflects a new strategy of control for employers who must
cede greater discretion to their employees. Competitive selfmanagement
enables MegaTech to boast of its "flexibility" and respect for worker
autonomy while simultaneously producing anxiety about professional
competence that propels the engineers in my sample to self-impose an
average 67 hours of work per week.
From Engineering Consent: Overwork and Anxiety at a High-Tech Firm (Page 1)
This new strategy of controlling your high-tech peons enables you to:
- Keep your engineers perpetually insecure about their relative performance.
- Boast about your flexibility and respect for worker autonomy.
- Produce such anxiety in people about their professional competence that they self-impose a 67-hour work week.
Rejoice my American Brothers! You have been honored:
In 1999, American workers surpassed the Japanese to earn the dubious distinction of working the longest hours in the industrialized world.
From Engineering Consent: Overwork and Anxiety at a High-Tech Firm (Page 2)
If you really are free and have flexible hours, then why do you work so much, my dear software engineer?
In discussing their work hours, the engineers emphasized their autonomy, frequently pointing out
that though they may work long hours, it is ultimately "up to the individual." Yet, no individual
engineer chose to work less than 50 hours per week. Why do the engineers "autonomously"
choose to work long hours? My findings suggest the main reason is competitive selfmanagement.
From Engineering Consent: Overwork and Anxiety at a High-Tech Firm (Page 7)
Understanding competitive self-management, as in the understanding of any artifact, allows one to know how to deconstruct and reconstruct such artifact:
The explanation of any social phenomenon provides direction to those
interested in changing it. The findings of this study suggest that
change requires focusing on the structures of workplace organization
and particularly the mechanisms for determining professional
competence. Although profit-seeking employers who benefit from
spiraling and anxious competition among workers can be expected to
make the recognition of competence scarce, standards of competence do
not have to be monopolized by employers. Professional associations, or
other worker-controlled institutions, can reclaim from corporate
management the standards for competence and value and define these in
a manner that allows for useful economic production while also
preserving the well-being of the communities and families currently
under assault by rising work hours.
From Engineering Consent: Overwork and Anxiety at a High-Tech Firm (Page 25)
Emphasis Mine.
So just what is competitive self-management?
Competitive self-management is the name of the management strategy
that allows the firm to both profess flexibility and simultaneously
push its engineers to wholly devote themselves to work.
Engineers typically have tight deadlines, often unrealistic and with a
high human cost. Families, friends, loved ones all bear the brunt of
a management strategy that is inhuman and unjust.
But why do engineers, most of which are highly intelligent people,
consent to such ridiculously short deadlines? How does management
coerce people, who in other spheres of life are careful, cautious, and
aware, to lay down their lifeblood for corporate profits?
The trick to bleeding your employees with overwork lies in making them
self-impose tight deadlines.
Self-Imposed Unrealistic Deadlines
The only way, in this brave new world of employee autonomy coupled
with indentured servitude, to impose such strict deadlines as to
require 67 hour work weeks as routine for months on end, is with
self-imposed deadlines. The psychological meanderings that lock your
mind into accepting unreasonable demands run deep from the soul of the
own engineer's self-image of professionalism and competence.
The genius behind recognizing that the professional competence that
engineers are so proud of can so easily be turned against them is
one that has been used over and over again to destroy families,
landbases, and communities.
References
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Burawoy, Michael, Manufacturing Consent. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979.
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Golden, Lonnie, and Jorgensen, Helene, "Time After Time: Mandatory Overtime in the U.S.
Economy," EPI Briefing Paper, January, 2002.
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Gottried, Heidi, "Manufacturing Consent to Global Ethnography: A Retrospective Examination,"
Contemporary Sociology, Volume 30, pp. 435-438, September, 2001.
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Hochschild, Arlie, The Time Bind. New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997.
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Overwork: Causes and Consequences of Rising Work Hours, Roundtable
Discussion with Arlie Hochschild, Neil Fligstein, Kim Voss and Juliet Schor, Moderated
by Michael Burawoy, Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Volume 45, pp. 180-196, 2001.
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International Labor Organization, "Key Indicators of the Labour Market, 1999," September,
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